Unequal Burdens: Corruption’s Impacts on People with Intersectional Identities in Lebanon

“Corruption is not something dysfunctional in the system, it is the system.” (KI)

Key informant interviews aimed to elicit perceptions of the types of corruption that most critically affect all residents of Lebanon. The commentary of a few respondents focused on its “macro” nature: Corruption is so entrenched in Lebanese society that it has become “such an intertwined web which is impossible to separate into discrete components.” Others focused on specific types of corruption, and while responses varied, all forms ultimately traced back to corruption at the political and administrative levels.

The discussions below provide an overview of forms of corruption across different sectors in Lebanon. All interviewed KIs were asked to rate the degree of corruption in each sector on a scale from 0 (not affected by corruption) to 3 (completely affected). Each section is accompanied by a number that presents the average value of all provided ratings.

Political Corruption and Lack of Accountability (Rating 2.88)

“They provide the needed tools and orchestrate the proper environment to protect and nurture corruption so that they benefit from it. They have grabbed all state facilities, divided the sectors; each leader is running his share in his own personal fiefdom. They have obliterated the entire state and country.” (KI)

Perhaps the source of the majority of Lebanon’s calamities – chronic mismanagement of state affairs, years of misappropriation of public resources, embezzlement, and squandering of tens of billions of Lebanese pounds’ (LBP) worth of public funds (including for “useless projects”) – and the lack of oversight and budget transparency have led to the economic crisis plaguing Lebanon and its residents. Since 2019, attempts to finance the government’s deficit have included a series of “illegal decisions or actions” such as privatizing public facilities and spaces (for example, the casino and beaches); the Central Bank printing money without gold reserves to back it – leading to hyperinflation, and diverting funds from state-owned enterprises to the government, which led to their collapse and the loss of jobs. Banks went even further to impose illegal capital controls and confiscate money deposited by natural persons. Currency devaluation, “lollarization,” [6], and confiscation of funds also contributed to the loss of pensions, especially for public sector employees and members of independent workers’ unions. [7] One KI added, 

“They have robbed people of their rights and dignity. People can no longer eat, their children are dying at hospital doors, and they are stealing or committing suicide. Those who have been working for decades have lost their lives and retirement.”

“We have always known that our politicians are very corrupt – they have consistently extended their political mandates illegally, and everything they have done in between is corrupt. But when they took people’s money from them, when their money got devalued and stuck in banks, this is when everyone truly felt the impacts of this corruption.” (KI)

All KIs affirmed that political corruption was rampant – including the government’s absence in various sectors where services rely on its involvement and the ruling class’s “excessive meddling” through misuse of power, clientelism, bribery, vote buying, and ballot fraud in elections. One KI noted that, in the 2016 municipal elections, the Lebanese Association for Democratic Elections (LADE) and other watchdogs documented numerous transgressions and instances of forgery “where we saw ballot boxes thrown into rivers.” Although monitors made their observation reports publicly accessible and submitted them to the State Council (Shura), which is responsible for overseeing municipal elections, no actions were taken in response. Community members from the North and the Bekaa echoed these observations, expressing distrust in the voting process for issues such as discarding and replacing ballot boxes, purchasing people’s identification cards ahead of elections “for laughable amounts,” and voting in their stead, removing voters’ names from lists, and party representatives accompanying voters into polling booths to dictate the selection of candidates. A man from the Bekaa scoffed, “Some deputies know for a fact that dead people will vote for them in the next election.”

“During elections, we are made to vote for people we do not want. If you vote for someone new, not only is your physical safety at risk, but so is your emotional well-being, as they will accuse you of being a traitor or a spy in your own community. We do not have the freedom of choice.” (FGD participant. Similar comments were made across all eight FGDs.)

The perception of political corruption, coupled with the widespread suppression of dissent, has created a climate of intimidation and doubt that “anything could change.” Both KIs and community members believed that party leaders’ external affiliations meant that they do not act in the best interests of the country and its residents but in the interests of foreign powers.

“If you are not politically affiliated, you will not have a ‘back’ in Lebanon – all you will have is missed opportunities. I am part of a political party because I need to look out for my own interests and feed my child. When it comes to parties, I do not believe there is good and bad – there is bad and worse. So, you go with the bad.” (KI)

Furthermore, politicians’ hijacking of public projects and contracting incompetent developers has resulted in “scandalous” outcomes, such as the Bisri Dam [8], the electricity sector, or the natural gas reserves project, where, according to one KI, “over 50 companies – some of which have a registered capital of $2.00 – have been established by the political elite to undertake the distribution of profits.”

Another KI noted that, despite rampant corruption, the elites “never break the law – they merely circumvent it, because there are always loopholes.” This common practice is exacerbated by unwillingness among most of the population to hold their leaders accountable, which one KI emphasized “means we are all to blame.”

“The people we are trusting to work for us are the root of all corruption in Lebanon. We were taught to respect and fear them, to treat them like they are better than us. We do not realize that they are our employees. If you hire someone incompetent and they mismanage your company and run it into the ground, would you not fire them? But we continue to give them jobs and legitimacy. We continue thinking they are invincible. We never learned our rights or how to hold them accountable.” (KI)

6. A “lollar” is a U.S. dollar that is stuck in the Lebanese banking system. In reality, it is simply a computer entry with no corresponding currency. Harvard economic fellow Dan Azzi coined the term after the onset of the severe economic crisis in Lebanon.

7. Independent workers like doctors, lawyers, and engineers do not receive pensions from the state. Instead, each syndicate requires that they pay yearly union fees which feeds into their pension funds. The economic crisis and loss of these funds means they will not be entitled
to any pensions.

8. Arab News, September 2020. “Bisri: Lebanon’s dam of contention.”

Administrative Corruption (Rating 2.81)

Pervasive administrative corruption has impeded Lebanon’s progress and stability. It has also undermined the rule of law, diverted resources from essential services, hindered people’s ability to access their rights, and intensified social inequality. Political patronage; the absence of qualified personnel in favor of those who are hired on the basis of wasta (connections), political affiliation, or sectarianism; ineffective oversight mechanisms; and a culture of impunity have created a permissive environment in which bribery, nepotism, and favoritism flourish.

Transparency and accountability are conspicuously absent in the public sector, leaving corrupt practices unchecked. Citizens often encounter demands for bribes to access healthcare, education, justice, and even completion of the most basic governmental transactions. Several KIs commented that public procurement processes are marred by fraudulent activities, with contracts awarded based on personal connections rather than merit, thus “canceling out the possibility of fair and transparent tendering processes that allow qualified private sector companies to secure deals and carry out the work correctly.” In fact, a KI noted that “according to Gherbal Initiative, access to information is never respected, and while public institutions are legally required to publish data and grant access to documentation when requested, an overwhelming 75 percent do not comply.” Disability activists also commented on the absence of reasonable accommodations within the public sector and departments, explaining that contractors do not know how to create proper infrastructure so, for example, even when they do attempt to install a ramp to facilitate access to a public building, it would have the incorrect dimensions or be too steep.

With regard to public sector jobs, according to one KI, “employees are a minority, and the bigger bulk are contractors with no fixed job descriptions or responsibilities, and we know nothing about their merits and qualifications. There is no transparency, so we are not able to hold them to account.” A 2021 occupational survey [9] identified a lack of transparency and numerous instances of illegal contracting. Even when public sector recruitment occurs, hiring tends to rely not on merit and competence but on sectarianism and political loyalty. One KI mentioned that hiring decisions are often contingent on the ability to recruit a certain quota of individuals from a specific sect.

“The government encourages the gap in service provision as this allows the private sector to
benefit. The fact that there is no state-provided electricity enriches private diesel generator owners– and not just everyone can decide to become a provider unless they have a wasta. None of them have a financial number, and they are not required to get a license from the Ministry of Environment to operate.” [10] (KI)

Corruption in public service provision disproportionately affects marginalized groups. Respondents reported that public service provision was at an “all-time low.” For example, although the government has “invested” [11] over $40 billion on the electricity sector, no new power plants have been built in decades, and the existing ones are outdated, inefficient, and unable to respond to power demands. Thus, the country is plagued by continuing power outages and severe electricity rationing. In fact, several respondents scheduled their interviews around the availability of electricity, and some community members in the North and the Bekaa said they had not had electricity “for days.” While the lack of electricity affects all residents in different ways, it has disproportionate effects on certain groups such as individuals who are older or who have chronic illnesses or disabilities.

“Most of the money I earn, I spend on facilitating my own accessibility (for example, to have 24/7 electricity and an elevator in order to be able to get into and out of my apartment). People with physical disabilities who live on higher floors and cannot afford to pay for electricity are often prisoners jailed in their own homes. (KI)

Other issues that respondents mentioned included the disability cards issued by the Ministry of Social Affairs, which were intended to help facilitate access to services but were never administered properly and have “become essentially useless” since the economic crisis began. Community members expressed exasperation with the time needed to renew the card (a man from the North said, “it used to take under an hour to renew the card, now it has been dragging for over two months, where we need to sit and wait for entire days, only to be met with excuses – no electricity, no diesel – and told to come back”). The delays are especially frustrating given the almost nonexistent
benefits that cardholders receive. One KI said, “People often mention the customs waiver law that allows persons with physical disabilities to import cars as a positive thing. In my experience, it was a nightmare: I had to secure 48 signatures and pay a number of fees in addition to a suggested bribe of $2,000 for someone to secure the waiver and get the car out of customs. Furthermore, the law initially did not include persons whose disability was in the left foot.” [12] The KI went on to say that the waiver is known to be abused by the political elite and people in their circles who purchase cars in the name of a person with a disability and then sell them.

“In order to get my driver’s license, I had to go to the second floor of the building. They asked mewhy I came alone without someone to help me. They had a moving walkway which was purchased through EU funding, but they did not even know how to turn it on. While the disability card is supposed to provide holders with certain benefits, I actually had to pay much more than a person without disabilities would to get my license.” (KI)

Another concern was hospitals’ refusal to treat cardholders. In fact, a KI said it was better not to show the card, as the reaction was either to turn them away, or ask them to “pay now, and follow up with the ministry yourself,” because social security coverage is no longer available.

Finally, the absence of consumer protection or monitoring of market prices has opened the door to monopolization and hoarding of commodities and medications to sell at higher prices. For example, community members noted that the same medication could cost 90,000 LBP in one pharmacy and 300,000 LBP in another, while some medicines were not being sold at all, under the premise of a shortage. In reality, those products were taken off the market pending higher exchange rates to maximize profit, as evidenced by the fact that people with personal connections to pharmacists could often obtain what they needed.

“Everyone is complicit in this corruption because we have been taught that this is the norm. People claim they are not corrupt and that they hate corruption, but what they do not realize is that using their connections to get out of trouble or to secure a job and paying bribes to speed up administrative processes makes them a part of corruption, makes them perpetuate it.” (KI)

Justice and Security (Rating 2.77)

“After the civil war, all ‘warlords’ received a general pardon. There was no accountability. Nobody went to prison. Since then, ministers have been changing legislation and issuing memos to protect themselves and to take advantage of their positions for illicit enrichment and immunity.” (KI)

All respondents agreed that Lebanon’s judiciary, whose appointments depend largely on political patronage and backing, is highly prone to political, partisan, religious, or external influence: “Every elite owns a judge.” The lack of judicial independence discredits and damages good governance and becomes “a core from which other corruptions originate.” People with intersectional identities are less likely to be part of the elite and therefore are disproportionately impacted by corruption in the judiciary.

“A man in Akkar wanted to rehabilitate a road in front of his house to facilitate access for his brother, who is in a wheelchair. Because the family were at odds with the mayor, the judiciary has dodged his case and never intervened.” (KI)

Some respondents pointed out that a few judges are independent and conscientious but that they often face numerous challenges, including being told they are acting beyond their authority13 or being removed from their positions. After the Beirut Port Blast, Judge Tarek Bitar, the lead investigator, was pressured and threatened, and politicians flagrantly ignored his subpoenas. Then he was replaced. When Judge Bitar tried to resume his work in January 2023, the Public Prosecutor served him with a lawsuit, imposed a travel ban, and ordered the release of all detained individuals suspected of involvement in the explosion (at least one of whom fled the country). The Beirut Bar Association and the Lebanese Judges Association deemed the Prosecutor’s actions illegal, but no further steps were taken, and the domestic investigation continues to be “hampered by systemic obstruction, interference, intimidation, and a political impasse.” [14] Similarly, one KI brought up the topic of the Central Bank forensic audit, [15] explaining, “the Central Bank was indeed engaged in money laundering and embezzlement, illegal capital controls and stealing 90 percent of the people’s money – but who has decided these things? Who is responsible for the bankruptcy of the banking sector? [The Central Bank] did not act alone. But there were no follow-up accountability measures, and the judiciary has remained silent.”

Other KIs commented on discriminatory legislation, such as the law stipulating that women cannot pass their Lebanese nationality to their children. Examples of judicial misconduct included the lack of serious judicial action against rising cases of femicide, with perpetrators either not serving prison terms or being released within two years, and arbitrary detention of people (some of whom may be innocent) for years without court hearings or rulings.

“I know a young man with a disability who is well-educated and has a university degree. When his parents died, his siblings did not want to share the inheritance with him, so they bought a false report from a doctor claiming that he was ‘mentally disabled, incompetent, and unable to take care of himself.’ When he went to file a complaint at the police station, they asked him who he was there with and who took care of him – they would not even accept to discuss the case directly with him. The way that people without disabilities perceive people with disabilities is at the very root of our experiences of inequality and injustice.” (KI)

The vast majority of KIs and community members severely criticized the security apparatuses for “multiple examples, proven, that they are not at all willing or even able to fulfill their role of providing people’s constitutional rights to protection and personal security, and their right to gather and peacefully protest.” One KI said his organization had documented “multiple cases where security actors had sided with aggressors against people they deem an enemy or a scapegoat.” He added, “They do not follow modus operandi. They do not adhere to local laws or even their own policies.”

“The security apparatuses in Lebanon are the armed extension of the political establishment.” (KI)

One KI recalled that, at the end of September 2023, a group of activists and NGOs organized a peaceful march to demand a full guarantee of political and civil liberties and socio-economic rights for Lebanese citizens. A group of “thugs” on motorcycles fired into the air, chased and attacked protesters with stones, and shouted homophobic insults at them, although the protest had not espoused any LGBTQI+ causes. Lebanese security forces used tear gas and water cannons to disperse the protesters but did not intervene to stop the attackers. Several individuals were injured in the clashes, and dozens were arrested [16].

In recent years, Lebanon has witnessed regular arrests of activists, performers, and journalists (often for social media posts) who are questioned, tried by military tribunals, and sometimes imprisoned. Witnesses are generally subjected to character assassination or fabricated accusations in an attempt to discredit them and their accounts. [17] This pattern has created a dramatically shrinking space for civil liberties and freedom of speech – enforced by the
security apparatus.

“They have bungled almost every single file related to the protection of marginalized groups. They have neither been unable to create any form of security, nor any lasting, tangible change in the legislative and judicial sphere.” (KI)

One KI believed the Lebanese army could be considered less corrupt than other security forces. However, another respondent pointed out that many army contracts are covered by confidentiality clauses, limiting the availability of information about what is being purchased, including weapons. He clarified that public purchases over a certain value are subject to tendering processes; according to findings by Gherbal Initiative, contracts are often divided so they stay under the threshold and avoid the tendering requirement.

9. Gherbal Initiative, 2022. “The occupational survey: 92,000 personnel in public sector and 72% vacancies and 27,000 occupations conceal illegal contracting.”

10. Air pollution from diesel generators contains more than 40 toxic air contaminants, many of them carcinogenic. Researchers at the American University of Beirut found that toxic emissions may have quadrupled as a result of the economic crisis, which has further increased reliance on generators.

11. Overbilling, inflated contracts, and a lack of transparency are all common.

12. The exclusion of persons whose right foot was not affected by a disability is due to the assumption that they would be able to drive a car with an automatic transmission without the need for any reasonable accommodations.

13. One such example is the removal of Mount Lebanon’s prosecutor from office after bringing corruption charges against the Central Bank governor and commercial banks. See link

14. Amnesty International, August 2023. “Lebanon: Unacceptable lack of justice, truth and reparation three years after Beirut blast.”

15. An international firm conducted the investigation. The Central Bank refused to cooperate, deemed the audit “a witch hunt,” destroyed documents, and intimidated witnesses. Nonetheless, the findings painted a damning picture of embezzlement of public funds, manipulation of financial data, issuance of preferential loans to politically connected individuals, and other transgressions and mismanagement.

16. Amnesty International, October 2023. “Lebanon: Investigate assault on Freedom March protesters.”

17. A recent example is the case of a journalist who accused a Sharia Court judge of a lack of impartiality and was met with counteraccusations of slander and defamation, an illegal search of her home, and drug charges. See link.

Media (Rating 2.42)

"A small number of traditional media outlets are sometimes more objective than others and do an acceptable job in terms of highlighting corruption and questioning people in power. However, they tend to go silent on certain matters that do not suit their overall political agenda.” (KI)

Respondents generally agreed that there is little or no independent media in Lebanon (some called it “media for hire”) and that reported news is often biased, contributing to 1) lack of transparency, misinformation, and inaccurate or subjective information; 2) polarization of Lebanese society, and 3) limits on the public’s ability to hold the government accountable. Participants mentioned several reasons for the absence of a free media:

• Political influence: Traditional media outlets are subject to the influence of the political elites that own or support them. A KI elaborated, “Especially during election periods, slots are reserved for the existing elites. Any independent candidates who want airtime need to pay between $25,000 to $125,000 per episode. They market the criminals and normalize their existence, so they keep winning.” Several noted that the media has a foundational role in the current system, serving as a tool for governing stakeholders to promote their own discourse and scapegoat individuals or groups to suit their purposes. Alternative news sites and independent blogs are nascent, and some KIs believed those outlets could not always implement their goals impactfully because they have not gained community trust. One politically active youth believed the alternative press “generally covered news that gives them a political advantage, and even if a traditional political party does something good once in a blue moon, they do not cover it.”
• Licensing control and requirements: The Ministry of Information controls media licensing and has the power to determine who obtains licenses. The licensing process itself is rigorous and expensive.
• Funding and sponsorship: The advertising market is limited in comparison to the existing demand, which leads the media to identify other sources of revenue, such as political parties or corrupt business. When funded by these sources, reporting is biased in favor of their interests. One example provided by a KI was that despite the economic crisis, commercial banks never stopped running advertisements “and unsurprisingly, the media has not attacked them despite their illegal confiscation of depositors’ money.” A study by The Policy Initiative [18] pointed out that the media sector’s funding sources are opaque and that outlets have been reluctant to share information on their revenue structure and funders, including investments by the banking sector, large profits realized during parliamentary elections, and advantageous loans from the Central Bank in 2016. Additionally, the advertising field has historically not been liberal or competitive. In the post-civil war era, a single group controlled an estimated 92 percent of national advertising, in violation of the Audio-Visual Media Law (1994). That law limits each advertising agency to servicing no more than one television and one radio station at a time. As one group had a monopoly over the advertising sector, it was able to exclusively set prices, effectively lowering media outlet advertising revenues.
• Shrinking space for freedom of expression: Recent years have seen a surge in cases of Lebanese authorities weaponizing defamation and insult laws to target journalists, bloggers, human rights defenders, and other critics. Many have been unjustly arrested or sued for articles or Tweets they published, accused of “posting fake news,” “inciting sectarian strife,” or slander and defamation. Most were released after public outcry and protests, cementing the lack of grounds for detention. [19] Although more prominent media figures have refused to comply with security apparatus demands to remove their published content, the increased media capture and pressure have silenced many voices. In November 2023, Parliament proposed a draft media law, “which was being privately discussed and hidden from public scrutiny while the spotlight was fixed on the ongoing Israeli attacks in South Lebanon since October 7,” according to the Coalition to Defend Freedom of Expression in Lebanon. Amnesty International [20] criticized the law’s “many alarming provisions that will stifle freedom of expression and press freedoms, upholding criminal penalties and in some cases increasing prison sentences and fines for insults and defamation.” They added, “if approved in its current form, this law would be a dangerous setback for freedom of expression in Lebanon in an environment where defamation laws are already being used to harass and intimidate journalists and other individuals who criticize the authorities.” They also observed that the lack of engagement of Lebanese civil society in discussions around the law – even UNESCO’s recommended amendments were dismissed – means “there is a real danger that the legislation could grant the authorities free rein to harass, intimidate, and silence critics, and perpetuate and environment of censorship.”

Several respondents distinguished between traditional media outlets and journalists in their corruption ratings. While they assigned media outlets a high corruption score, they believed that many journalists demonstrated exemplary ethics and professionalism, although they were often “at the mercy of their employers: since employment options in independent media were limited, they were forced to work wherever they could find a job.”

When it came to marginalized groups, stakeholders said that in addition to supporting the state’s scapegoating, the media in Lebanon often conveys misinformation, including unintentionally, or reports in a sensational style that “paints a negative picture.” One respondent elaborated that talk shows or series never feature a person with disabilities who is a businessperson or who holds a position of power; rather, persons with disabilities are always presented as disturbed, criminal, or helpless and pitiful. Another mentioned that a talk show has hosted homosexual and transgender guests who generally displayed exaggerated or “scandalous” behavior that reflected negatively on the LGBTQI+ community and incited hate speech on social media.

Finally, one KI noted that one of the most critical issues related to the media is the complete lack of effort to make information accessible. For example, no television channels use sign language interpretation or captioning. She noted, “Even when an effort was once made to use a sign language interpreter, this did not necessarily mean that it was useful to all people with auditory disabilities because … Lebanon does not have a unified sign language!”

Other Sectors

Note: IFES’s current project in Lebanon does not address the medical, education, or private sectors. Therefore, the
discussions below present only a brief overview of the most prominent forms of corruption reported by respondents.

Medical Sector (Rating 2.25)

• Mismanagement, embezzled funds, and the sale of expired or counterfeit medications are common within the sector. Hospitals are no exception. As an example, community members spoke about a recent case where a public hospital employee sold placebos to cancer patients at exorbitant prices but was never held accountable due to political patronage.
• The periodic hoarding of medications by pharmacies and agents, especially to profit from exchange rate fluctuations, led to inflated prices and shortages. This had devastating impacts on people with chronic illnesses who were unable to access lifesaving medicine.
• People without financial means or a wasta in the medical system have been denied treatment. The Ministry of Public Health and the National Social Security Fund have failed to provide adequate oversight and accountability, allowing corruption to flourish in the medical sector.
• People with disabilities are unable to secure prohibitively expensive assistive devices without a wasta.
• Discrimination against and mistreatment of LGBTQI+ individuals has been observed.

“When it comes to people with disabilities, corruption starts with their basic needs and rights to live independently. As a person with a physical disability, my wheelchair is a part of my body; it is the replacement for my lack of mobility, and the only way I can move autonomously. Wheelchairs need to be changed every few years, but this is expensive. Many of my peers need to ask (or beg, rather) for favors through someone who can secure their medical devices. Without connections, one will not be able to afford their most basic need." (KI)

Education (Rating 2.13)

• Nepotism and political favoritism in admissions and hiring provide advantages to people with connections to political parties or influential figures, whether enrolling as students or securing jobs in education. Many qualified candidates are unfairly excluded, perpetuating inequality. One KI mentioned that she had an opportunity to work at the Lebanese University but was told that she would need to obey all the instructions of the controlling political party, including when it comes to (unfairly) passing and failing students.
• Mismanagement of funds allocated by the Ministry of Education and Higher Education has limited resources for schools, teachers, and students. Some KIs reported dire conditions at public schools and universities, where “the ceiling leaks and walls crumble onto students’ heads.” In fact, in 2022, a student was killed and another injured after a ceiling collapsed in a public school in Tripoli.[21] Students pay bribes to enroll, receive higher grades, or pass without meeting requirements.
• Discrimination on the basis of religion, social class, background, and/or sexual orientation can surface in admissions processes, grading, and other treatment.
• Discrimination against persons with disabilities, who face many barriers to quality education, includes inaccessible infrastructure, a lack of qualified teachers with the skills and capacities to work with students with disabilities, and a general lack of awareness of disabilities throughout the education system.

Private Sector (Rating 1.75)

• Comparatively, the private sector was rated as the least corrupt. Several KIs believed that, since business owners prioritize profit and growth, they may be less prone to corrupt hiring, for example. However, the general opinion was that the private companies committed to ethical business practices were exceptions, and corruption was widespread to varying extents across different industries.
• Nepotism and favoritism are common in hiring and promotion decisions. 
• Some companies engage in corrupt practices to secure public contracts. Many of those companies belong to political elites.
• The telecom, insurance, and construction industries are reportedly particularly prone to corruption. A KI noted that insurance companies may not insure persons with disabilities but, when they do, they dictate “numerous unfair exclusions – for example, if I sustain an injury because of a fall, they will attribute that to my disability and exclude it.”
• Commercial banks engage in corrupt practices, often through their relationships with the political class.
• Discriminatory hiring practices are common in the private sector, particularly against marginalized groups. LGBTQI+ people, especially transgender individuals, often face rejection and can rarely secure jobs. Article 74 of Law 220/2000 sets hiring quotas for persons with disabilities for companies with a minimum of 30 employees. The law also requires employers to provide reasonable accommodations. However, noncompliance is widespread for reasons including employers’ lack of awareness of the law; the government’s lack of support or enforcement; and negative attitudes toward people with disabilities. [22]

18. The Policy Initiative, July 2023. “Follow the Money: The Informal Channels of Lebanese Media Funding.”

19. The Tahrir Institute for Middle East Policy, March 2020. “Controlling the Narrative: Lebanon Compromises Free Speech in Crisis.”
20. Amnesty International, November 2023. “Lebanon: Proposed media law poses grave threat to freedom of expression.” 
21. The National News, November 2022. “High school pupil dies in ceiling collapse at Tripoli school.”
22. Legal Agenda, 2017. “Right of Disabled to Working in Lebanon: Complicity and Non-Compliance.”